"Pittsburgh is at the center of a class inversion between the two parties
that is redefining American politics. Democrats have traded their
former blue-collar base for professional-class, metropolitan workers,
while Republicans have become overwhelmingly dependent on working-class
voters concentrated in far-flung suburbs, small towns and rural areas.
In
Pennsylvania, the largest 2024 battleground state, President Biden’s
victory four years ago depended in large part on big gains among voters
such as [Josh] Thieler, a software company manager and former Republican who is
now part of the city’s heavily Democratic professional class. But those
gains have been overtaken by opposition from voters like [John] Sabo, who
works in the natural-gas industry, a sector that has given a boost to
blue-collar workers in rural counties.
These
energy-economy voters see Biden as hostile to fracking, which taps
natural gas trapped in sedimentary rock deep underground. The sector has
drawn billions of dollars in new investment in Pennsylvania, much of it
in the state’s southwest corner.
Biden has been particularly hurt by his decision to cancel the Keystone XL oil pipeline,
which local companies say cut into demand for their services; and his
order this year to pause new permits to export liquefied natural gas,
which could deprive drillers of new markets. Many of these voters also
believe the president’s push for Americans to adopt electric vehicles
will undercut jobs tied to fossil fuels.
The area’s reliance on energy jobs helps explain why Democrats look to
be losing more voters than they have gained here despite a Biden agenda
that’s pumping billions of dollars into infrastructure and
manufacturing."
"There is little sign that Biden can regain substantial support in seven
largely working-class and rural counties that surround the city, every
one of which produced a larger vote margin for Trump in 2020 than in
2016. The resistance to Biden’s energy policies is making it harder for
the incumbent to stop his party’s decline among noncollege voters there,
forcing the party to wring more votes out of a Democratic base
elsewhere that, so far, seems dispirited."
[there is] "a breed of progressive Democrat new to Pittsburgh, among them Rep.
Summer Lee and Sara Innamorato, the top official in Pittsburgh’s county,
who oppose fracking. They say the risks to residents’ health and the
environment, as well as the effect on climate change, are too great, and
that the region should prepare for energy jobs to shift toward
renewables."
"In the 2000 presidential election, Democrats carried this part of the
state—Pittsburgh’s county and seven neighboring, more working-class
counties—by nearly 86,000 votes. By 2020, Biden lost by a net 38,000
votes in those same counties. Allegheny County, which includes
Pittsburgh, produced a far bigger margin for Democrats than it had two
decades earlier, a 56% gain. But that was more than erased by landslide
losses in the lower-income counties nearby."
"Once, Pittsburgh and its surrounding counties were largely unified in a
single economic and political ecosystem of industry, unions and
Democratic leadership. Steel and manufacturing plants were dotted along
the two rivers that converge in the city to form the Ohio River, a
transportation gateway to the West and South. Then, steel collapsed,
with big job losses coming in the 1980s. The region started shedding
population.
At its
likely peak in 1952, manufacturing employed about 379,000 people and
accounted for 40% of all jobs in the region, according to regional
economist Chris Briem of the University of Pittsburgh. Thousands more
jobs were indirectly related. Today, only 85,000 work in manufacturing,
he said.
The
fracking industry hasn’t filled the vacuum, but it has created
high-paying, if cyclical, jobs in communities that had little to offer
the blue-collar workforce. In Zelienople, a starting laborer can earn
$85,000 a year right out of high school at Deep Well Services—“far more
than their fathers ever did,” said Sabo, a company vice president.
"Those workers can then climb in responsibility to jobs that top out at
$200,000 and even $250,000 in annual wages, a level now hit by about 60
employees, Sabo said. The work is hard, involving 28 days on the job and
then 14 days off as part of teams that prepare wells to extract natural
gas."
"Many workers in this part of the state say their jobs cement them to
Trump and the Republican Party. While they criticize Biden’s stances on
immigration, social issues and military funding for Ukraine, they often
point to decisions that they believe directly affect their livelihoods
in explaining their votes."
"An inflow of new workers, many of them foreign-born, has transformed
city neighborhoods. In Lower Lawrenceville, once home to one of the
nation’s oldest populations, the number of residents with a bachelor’s
degree has more than doubled from a decade earlier, census data show,
and the number with a more advanced degree more than tripled. Incomes
rose as well, with median household income topping $90,000, more than
twice the level of a decade earlier, adjusted for inflation."
"Thieler,
the progressive Democrat who lives just north of the neighborhood,
recalls a childhood in Uniontown, where his great-grandfather once owned
a small coal mine that failed. He grew up listening to conservative
talk radio and never questioned the Republican politics of his family.
But he said that changed after he moved to Pittsburgh and took his first
job at a startup in the city that made software to help hospitals track
patients.
He
credits his political shift to his exposure to more diverse people and
issues in the city, including racial injustice and homelessness."
"The Pittsburgh neighborhood of East Liberty, home to Duolingo [Language app-maker Duolingo], has seen
its own transformation as a tech hub. An old Nabisco factory site nearby
now houses several artificial-intelligence companies and the Ascender
Pittsburgh incubator, which is fostering startups in education, payroll
services and other areas. Google’s offices are across the street."
"While
many Democrats say they don’t recognize the Republican Party that has
been reshaped by Trump, others here say it’s the Democratic Party that
has changed most.
“It
used to be a conservative, middle-of-the-road Democratic Party,” said
Alan Benyak, a Washington County lawyer and member of the Democratic
State Committee until 2022. Now, he’s a registered Republican.
“I’d
go to a state committee meeting and feel like a dinosaur,” he said.
“With this war on the fossil fuel industry, which is still big in
Washington County, it was like I was swimming upstream.”
Benyak marvels at how deep the political divide has become between Allegheny County and those that border it.
“You’d
think we’d all think the same way, somewhat,” he said. “We’re all from
the same area, generally, within 20 miles of each other.”"