"Pittsburgh is at the center of a class inversion between the two parties
 that is redefining American politics. Democrats have traded their 
former blue-collar base for professional-class, metropolitan workers, 
while Republicans have become overwhelmingly dependent on working-class 
voters concentrated in far-flung suburbs, small towns and rural areas.
In 
Pennsylvania, the largest 2024 battleground state, President Biden’s 
victory four years ago depended in large part on big gains among voters 
such as [Josh] Thieler, a software company manager and former Republican who is
 now part of the city’s heavily Democratic professional class. But those
 gains have been overtaken by opposition from voters like [John] Sabo, who 
works in the natural-gas industry, a sector that has given a boost to 
blue-collar workers in rural counties.
These
 energy-economy voters see Biden as hostile to fracking, which taps 
natural gas trapped in sedimentary rock deep underground. The sector has
 drawn billions of dollars in new investment in Pennsylvania, much of it
 in the state’s southwest corner.
Biden has been particularly hurt by his decision to cancel the Keystone XL oil pipeline,
 which local companies say cut into demand for their services; and his 
order this year to pause new permits to export liquefied natural gas, 
which could deprive drillers of new markets. Many of these voters also 
believe the president’s push for Americans to adopt electric vehicles 
will undercut jobs tied to fossil fuels.
The area’s reliance on energy jobs helps explain why Democrats look to 
be losing more voters than they have gained here despite a Biden agenda 
that’s pumping billions of dollars into infrastructure and 
manufacturing."
"There is little sign that Biden can regain substantial support in seven 
largely working-class and rural counties that surround the city, every 
one of which produced a larger vote margin for Trump in 2020 than in 
2016. The resistance to Biden’s energy policies is making it harder for 
the incumbent to stop his party’s decline among noncollege voters there,
 forcing the party to wring more votes out of a Democratic base 
elsewhere that, so far, seems dispirited."
[there is] "a breed of progressive Democrat new to Pittsburgh, among them Rep. 
Summer Lee and Sara Innamorato, the top official in Pittsburgh’s county,
 who oppose fracking. They say the risks to residents’ health and the 
environment, as well as the effect on climate change, are too great, and
 that the region should prepare for energy jobs to shift toward 
renewables."
"In the 2000 presidential election, Democrats carried this part of the 
state—Pittsburgh’s county and seven neighboring, more working-class 
counties—by nearly 86,000 votes. By 2020, Biden lost by a net 38,000 
votes in those same counties. Allegheny County, which includes 
Pittsburgh, produced a far bigger margin for Democrats than it had two 
decades earlier, a 56% gain. But that was more than erased by landslide 
losses in the lower-income counties nearby."
"Once, Pittsburgh and its surrounding counties were largely unified in a 
single economic and political ecosystem of industry, unions and 
Democratic leadership. Steel and manufacturing plants were dotted along 
the two rivers that converge in the city to form the Ohio River, a 
transportation gateway to the West and South. Then, steel collapsed, 
with big job losses coming in the 1980s. The region started shedding 
population.
At its 
likely peak in 1952, manufacturing employed about 379,000 people and 
accounted for 40% of all jobs in the region, according to regional 
economist Chris Briem of the University of Pittsburgh. Thousands more 
jobs were indirectly related. Today, only 85,000 work in manufacturing, 
he said.
The
 fracking industry hasn’t filled the vacuum, but it has created 
high-paying, if cyclical, jobs in communities that had little to offer 
the blue-collar workforce. In Zelienople, a starting laborer can earn 
$85,000 a year right out of high school at Deep Well Services—“far more 
than their fathers ever did,” said Sabo, a company vice president.
"Those workers can then climb in responsibility to jobs that top out at 
$200,000 and even $250,000 in annual wages, a level now hit by about 60 
employees, Sabo said. The work is hard, involving 28 days on the job and
 then 14 days off as part of teams that prepare wells to extract natural
 gas."
"Many workers in this part of the state say their jobs cement them to 
Trump and the Republican Party. While they criticize Biden’s stances on 
immigration, social issues and military funding for Ukraine, they often 
point to decisions that they believe directly affect their livelihoods 
in explaining their votes."
"An inflow of new workers, many of them foreign-born, has transformed 
city neighborhoods. In Lower Lawrenceville, once home to one of the 
nation’s oldest populations, the number of residents with a bachelor’s 
degree has more than doubled from a decade earlier, census data show, 
and the number with a more advanced degree more than tripled. Incomes 
rose as well, with median household income topping $90,000, more than 
twice the level of a decade earlier, adjusted for inflation."
"Thieler,
 the progressive Democrat who lives just north of the neighborhood, 
recalls a childhood in Uniontown, where his great-grandfather once owned
 a small coal mine that failed. He grew up listening to conservative 
talk radio and never questioned the Republican politics of his family. 
But he said that changed after he moved to Pittsburgh and took his first
 job at a startup in the city that made software to help hospitals track
 patients.
He
 credits his political shift to his exposure to more diverse people and 
issues in the city, including racial injustice and homelessness."
"The Pittsburgh neighborhood of East Liberty, home to Duolingo [Language app-maker Duolingo], has seen 
its own transformation as a tech hub. An old Nabisco factory site nearby
 now houses several artificial-intelligence companies and the Ascender 
Pittsburgh incubator, which is fostering startups in education, payroll 
services and other areas. Google’s offices are across the street."
"While 
many Democrats say they don’t recognize the Republican Party that has 
been reshaped by Trump, others here say it’s the Democratic Party that 
has changed most.
“It
 used to be a conservative, middle-of-the-road Democratic Party,” said 
Alan Benyak, a Washington County lawyer and member of the Democratic 
State Committee until 2022. Now, he’s a registered Republican.
“I’d
 go to a state committee meeting and feel like a dinosaur,” he said. 
“With this war on the fossil fuel industry, which is still big in 
Washington County, it was like I was swimming upstream.” 
Benyak marvels at how deep the political divide has become between Allegheny County and those that border it.
“You’d
 think we’d all think the same way, somewhat,” he said. “We’re all from 
the same area, generally, within 20 miles of each other.”"